Dr. Khaled M. Batarfi
According to a report issued by the United Nations, the number of executions in Iran at the end of 2015 reached more than 1000 cases — a daily average of about 3 cases per day. The 25 pages report noted the rise in executions in the Islamic Republic during 2015 — the pace and shape of which was unprecedented in the past 25 years.
There were about 700 people on death row, during the first six months of last year alone, while the total number in 2014 amounted to 753, an increase of nearly 40%.
The UN said that the reasons for the recent increase in executions is unclear, and that the widespread use by the Iranian authorities of the death penalty is a clear violation of international law. Most executed were members of ethnic and religious minorities who have been convicted on charges of "anti-God" or "spreading corruption on earth.” They included politicians, Kurds and Sunni Muslims.
The report noted that cases of executions have increased since President Hassan Rouhani took over in 2013. Under his watch, 1,900 people were killed, so far. On Dec. 24, 2015, Iran’s Supreme Court ratified death sentences on Sunni Muslims for "propaganda against the regime” despite not committing any crimes of violence or incitement to murder.
Now, compare these cases to that of the executed in Saudi Arabia. Unlike in Iran, they stood accused of committing terrorist acts. They chose their lawyers, and went through three levels of trials. Relatives, journalists, human-rights organizations and individuals were welcome to attend.
The government presented its cases. Evidences were examined. After years of comprehensive trials, 47 among the accused were found guilty of committing acts of terrors, including killing and inciting the murder of civilians and soldiers. All, except two, were Saudi nationals. Only two were Shiites; the rest were Sunnis. All were found to have advocated a deviated interpretation of Islam. They believed in violence and anarchy as a way of achieving their goals.
The verdict was taken to two higher courts for revisions and ratifications, then went up to the King for approval. All these steps were transparent, and widely published. Iran has been aware of all the above in timely fashion. They protested, warned, and flagrantly tried to interfere, but in one case only — that of Nimr Baqir Al-Nimr.
After the execution, they went bananas. All their noted leaders, from the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamaeni, to President Hassan Rouhani and his ministers and generals, down to Iran’s agents of terror in the region, like Hezbollah’s Hasan Nasraallah, protested, damned, and threatened Saudi Arabia.
These high-voltage enticements led to Shiite demonstrations in Lebanon, Iraq and Pakistan. In Iran, it went further, as protesters attacked, burned and looted the Saudi Embassy in Tehran and the Consulate in Mashhad, under the lenient watch of Iranian security forces. The Saudi Embassy officials called the Foreign Ministry for help three times, day and night, to no avail. Only after it was too late, did special forces arrive and stopped the total destruction of the buildings.
Instead of apologizing to Saudi Arabia, the Iranians continued the verbal abuse and hate speech against it. They didn’t seem to care for the other Shiite in the list or the rest of executed Sunnis. Only Al-Nimr’s execution was protested—Why?
The man had spent ten years (1980-1990) in Iran, where he gave his exclusive allegiance to Iran’s Supreme Leader. This meant he had become a blindly obedient slave to Alwali Alfageeh, the Deputy of the Absent Imam, represented by Ayatollah Khamenei.
Like the Yemeni slave, Abdulmalek Alhouthi, he was primed to be the new Hasan Nasraallah, leading a Saudi version of Hezbollah. Later, he left for Syria, where he received further training and preparation. When he became ready, he contacted the Saudi authorities, gave his allegiance exclusively to the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, and reclaimed his citizenship.
He was forgiven and allowed to return. His patriotic family welcomed him back, and for many years since, he was quiet — or so it seemed. His children were given government scholarships and senior jobs, his wife was treated for cancer in USA, at state expense, and he was allowed to preach in his mosque peaceful anti-government sermons.
In recent years, Al-Nimr took a different path. His sermons and statements became less peaceful and more inciting. He called for a new Shiite state separated form the rest of the country in the oil-rich Eastern region. Then he called for an armed resistance and led it. Finally, he went underground for months, calling for and leading attacks on security forces. When he was found, he resisted and shot at the police. He proudly admitted all the above in court.
Let’s go back to comparison between the cases of the Sunnis currently on death row in Iran, and the case of Nimr Al-Nimr, dear readers. Your comments and views are most welcome.
Dr. Khaled M. Batarfi is a Saudi writer based in Jeddah. He can be reached at kbatarfi@gmail.com. Follow him at Twitter:@kbatarfi
