THE last decade saw the global emergence of right-wing politics, fueled by growing impatience and entrenched liberal elites who do not own the discourse but managed to own the popular voice. It tends to maintain the status quo - social conservatism and economic liberalism. Modern right-wing parties tend to support radical governments and privatization of industry, public services, low tax rates, low interest rates, fair competition, etc. They call themselves conservatives and nationalists. Reactionism (Nazism/Fascism) is the far end of the rightist spectrum.
In Europe, Asia and beyond the traditional mainstream parties are in full retreat. Across Europe, the center-left social democrats and center-right Christian democrats who have dominated national politics for 60 years are in decline. This is a reality in Spain, Austria, Germany and France and very recently in Turkey as well.
“Right-wing” has many meanings, but two of them matter in our context: the economic right and the cultural/religious right. One cannot and should not be achieved at the cost of the other, since both go hand in hand as mentioned above. A sparkling example comes to mind with India where the BJP/RSS fit the definition of a right-wing political party. They put a lot of stress on moral values, nativism and cultural nationalism. Economic development being the core comes at the cost of social development. This kind of politics encourages discrimination and majoritarianism. It attempts to redefine nationalism making its definition narrow with dangerous consequences of exclusion.
America is a victim of social conservatism (a key underlining principle of right-wing politics) championed by Trump. An extreme liberal embraces change while an extreme conservative fears change. He wants to return to a period in the past that may or may not have existed. These extreme conservatives seem liberal because they want change, but the change they want is regressive change.
In America today, people want to return to an era early in the Cold War where America was the only superpower. The problem is that that era never truly existed. It was not as pure and iconic as most Americans want to believe, and the result is that people hold on to their religion as a way to promote those bygone days. Anything said in support of the bygone era evokes nationalism. Trump used this to his advantage with anti-Islamic, anti-establishment, anti-immigrant, anti-neighborhood (Mexico), polarization. In a strange way Hitler did the same when he promised “to return the glory of Germany” if elected. We all know what followed when Hitler assumed power.
Back in Europe, right-wingers are booming. Germany’s AFD party wants the government to stop atoning for Nazi crimes and has an anti-Islam stand. The Front National in France is enjoying a renaissance after a successful move to “detoxify” the brand under Marine Le Pen, and anti-immigration rhetoric brought the FN huge gains in the 2015 local elections. Greek neo-fascists (Golden Dawn party) use Nazi-style symbolism and have expressed admiration for Hitler’s regime. Their leader, Nikolaos Michaloliakos in 2012 called the gas chambers “a lie” and the party’s main spokesman boasts of a swastika tattoo. I can go on citing similar style right-wingers in Austria, Finland, Sweden, Denmark, Netherlands and Italy. The theme is narrow nationalism, anti-Islam, love for fascists and the possession of a magic wand which will turn dreams into realities.
Mr. Trump’s victory is proof that populists in Europe are credible contenders despite opposition from major media outlets and established parties. European right-wing movements are likely to score more victories in the near future. Ordinary Europeans might perceive the polls and Mr. Trump’s win as a sign of the times; if it can work in the US then it begs to be given a chance in Europe as well.
We are at the crossroads where the current economic crisis undoubtedly reinforces right-wing radical parties. One main reason for the rise of these parties is austerity policies and neoliberal economics. The radical right has come to own certain prominent political issues, such as identity, nationhood and security. A counter-discourse on those issues has not yet emerged and must be urgently formulated. The promotion of a plural, progressive identity, a sense of nationhood that is predicated on diversity, as well as the embedding of national identity can wait no longer. Minorities need to be empowered in major political parties. The basis of these identities should be solidarity, respect for all, equality and not exclusion.
Sheeraz Shah
