THE way to characterize policies of the government is — Congress plus a cow,» Arun Shourie, who was a minister in a previous BJP government, said at a book launch function in New Delhi on Oct. 27, 2015. What he meant was that there is nothing to differentiate the Narendra Modi government from the previous Congress administration except for the former’s misplaced zeal in the matter of protecting cows, an animal majority of India’s Hindus consider to be holy.
Indians saw another manifestation of this excessive concern for cows last week when the Environment Ministry came up with rules imposing restrictions on sale of cattle for slaughter. Now cows and buffaloes can’t be sold for slaughter at animal markets across India; only farmland owners can trade at these markets, meaning that they could only trade cattle for agricultural purposes, such as plowing and dairy production. This would adversely affect beef consumers.
Beef consumption is permitted in only eight of the country’s 29 states and territories. The government, many fear, is trying to extend the ban on cow slaughter to southern and northeastern states.
While experts debate whether the new rules will withstand judicial scrutiny, the arguments for and against the ban is turning frighteningly ugly on streets and in public places. Beef fests are being organized in various parts of the country as a mark of protest, inviting counterprotests and violence.
The new rules come at a time when a surge in vigilante violence, mostly over cows, is threatening the rule of law in India. Since May 2015, a violent campaign against beef consumption has led to the killing of at least 10 Muslims, including a 12-year-old boy, in seven separate incidents of mob violence. In July 2016, in Gujarat, vigilantes stripped four Dalit (low-caste Hindu) men, tied them to a car, and beat them with sticks and belts over suspicions of cow slaughter. In one recent case, on April 21, 2017, in the Jammu region of Jammu and Kashmir state, a mob brutally attacked five members of a nomad cattle-herding family, including a 9-year-old girl, on suspicion that they were taking their cows for slaughter. On April 1, 2017, a mob in the state of Rajasthan brutally assaulted a 55-year-old dairy farmer, Pehlu Khan, and four others. Khan died two days later from his injuries. Instead of filing a complaint against the attackers, the police first registered a complaint against Khan and the other victims. On Sept. 28, 2015, a mob in Bishara village in Dadri town beat to death Mohammad Akhlaq, 50, with bricks and critically injured his 22-year-old son. The attack followed an announcement at a nearby temple that Akhlaq had slaughtered a calf.
In March 2017, the Gujarat government made slaughtering a cow punishable by life in prison. In Chhattisgarh, the BJP chief minister said his government “will hang those who kill cows.” In 2016, the Haryana government decided to give licenses to some cow protection groups to help the police keep a check on alleged cow smuggling. Group members are often seen patrolling the streets, especially highways, at night, stopping vehicles, checking them for cattle and reacting with violence if they find cows.
Communal polarization and resulting violence is not the only issue. The ban threatens $4 billion in annual beef exports and millions of jobs in beef and leather industries. With the notification of new rules for cattle sales, farmers across India face a grim future.
This is in addition to other problems on the economic front, like the lack of growth in the manufacturing sector, the slowing of exports and the absence of employment generation. Also causing concern is the situation in Kashmir and the steady deterioration in relations with Pakistan.
The Modi government should ponder whether it is in India’s interest to go ahead with a policy decision that has already set states against the federal government and one section of the people against the other.
